Monday, June 28, 2010

Sea Change on the 2nd Amendment

This post may be longish, apologies in advance.

Today, in what has been expected (including by me) for two years, the conservative members of the Supreme Court ruled (5-4) that the 2nd Amendment of the US Constitution shall be deemed Incorporated under the 14th Amendment.
The text of the key element of the ruling is included below:

"(2)
A survey of the contemporaneous history also demonstratesclearly that the Fourteenth Amendment’s Framers and ratifiers counted the right to keep and bear arms among those fundamentalrights necessary to the Nation’s system of ordered liberty. Pp. 22–33.
(i)
By the 1850’s, the fear that the National Government would disarm the universal militia had largely faded, but the right to keepand bear arms was highly valued for self-defense. Abolitionist au-thors wrote in support of the right, and attempts to disarm “Free-Soilers” in “Bloody Kansas,” met with outrage that the constitutionalright to keep and bear arms had been taken from the people. After the Civil War, the Southern States engaged in systematic efforts todisarm and injure African Americans, see Heller, supra, at ___. These injustices prompted the 39th Congress to pass the Freedmen’s Bureau Act of 1866 and the Civil Rights Act of 1866 to protect theright to keep and bear arms. Congress, however, ultimately deemedthese legislative remedies insufficient, and approved the Fourteenth Amendment. Today, it is generally accepted that that Amendment was understood to provide a constitutional basis for protecting the rights set out in the Civil Rights Act. See General Building Contrac-tors Assn., Inc. v. Pennsylvania, 458 U. S. 375, 389. In Congressionaldebates on the proposed Amendment, its legislative proponents in the 39th Congress referred to the right to keep and bear arms as a fun-
Cite as: 561 U. S. ____ (2010) 5
Syllabus
damental right deserving of protection. Evidence from the periodimmediately following the Amendment’s ratification confirms thatthat right was considered fundamental. Pp. 22–31.

(ii)
Despite all this evidence, municipal respondents argue thatMembers of Congress overwhelmingly viewed §1 of the Fourteenth Amendment as purely an antidiscrimination rule. But while §1 does contain an antidiscrimination rule, i.e., the Equal Protection Clause,it can hardly be said that the section does no more than prohibit dis-crimination. If what municipal respondents mean is that the Second Amendment should be singled out for special—and specially unfavor-able—treatment, the Court rejects the suggestion. The right to keep and bear arms must be regarded as a substantive guarantee, not a prohibition that could be ignored so long as the States legislated inan evenhanded manner. Pp. 30–33.
JUSTICE ALITO, joined by THE CHIEF JUSTICE, JUSTICE SCALIA, and JUSTICE KENNEDY, concluded, in Parts II–C, IV, and V, that the Four-teenth Amendment’s Due Process Clause incorporates the SecondAmendment right recognized in Heller. Pp. 10–11, 33–44."

While I happen to agree the 2nd Amendment SHOULD be incorporated, what I am troubled by is that those who most vociferously argue against "judicial activism" including and especially the conservative members of the SCOTUS, are the very same who use words like "it can hardly be argued" when in fact it can most certainly be argued that the text is NOT PRESENT.
I remember quite clearly having one particular conservative commenter (pest is a better term for the conduct) ask and re-ask where in the Constitution it said we have "the right to..." (pick your interpretational right) because and precisely because no such words exist. It frankly seems as if those who object to governmental overreach and non-"constructionist" interpretation gladly put aside such concerns if their ox can be saved or their pet issue wins. It's not a surprise, but let's call a spade what it is, a spade. The "constructionist" judges ruled on interpretations and feelings from the 1850s and OVERRULED the attitudes of the former period (prior to the civil war) where we were not a federalized republic. In fact, in their ruling today, the justices put lie to many of the major complaints by conservatives, namely that extension of certain rights from the 14th has in fact absolutely been upheld by SCOTUS and that they, the most conservative justices, firmly agree. This repudiates the clamour from the right that the government is overreaching when it engages in equal protection cases like say, anti-discrimination vs. property rights, as one Dr. Rand Paul so often asserts.

Further, and also quite important, the court ALSO held that states/municipalities may in fact enact laws for protection of the public good so long as such laws do not prohibit hand-gun ownership or other firearm ownership, completely (this is consistent with the Presser case), but this extends it to handguns. While this isn't as monumental as incorporation, it refutes absolutely the claim of many that NO law is allowed, as has very very often been claimed. In fact, my key objection to incorporation was that doing so might, if not handled "carefully", lead to challenges to prohibitions on owning automatic weapons (for example) - for they certainly CAN be held to be necessary to arming an irregular militia. This decision puts that notion to rest (for now). Whether it gets challenged in the future is anyone's guess, but clearly the conservatives on the court saw the Pandora's box of problems they might well have otherwise opened.

I have not yet read the entire decision, but this is a monumental day in US history, it both categorically enforces the right to own arms AND gives the states the power to limit it. Little 'l' libertarians may see that such grants to the states can be abused, and they would be right in worrying, for what is in the common public safety good today may be far differently interpreted tomorrow.

18 comments:

  1. Well, no; it leaves the states with some power to regulate the RKBA, just as they've been left with some power to regulate speech, assembly, etc.

    We don't -- yet -- know what the test for the use of that power will be; it wasn't before the Court in McDonald, just like it wasn't in Heller, and while I've read the McD decision once, I can't even find broad hints (as there were in Heller) as to which restrictions will survive whatever level of scrutiny that the SCOTUS eventually decides on.

    Brown vs. Board didn't settle everything about segregation, either.

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  2. I am still wading through the decision, all 214 pages of it.

    The decision has created as many problems as it solved, if not more. For instance:

    The SCOTUS has made it now clear that the right to bear arms is an individual right. However, as my friend and colleague Penigma points out, its an interpretation. There is also an equally cognizant argument that the second amendment means just what it says, and its not an individual right. I agree, this is an example of judicial activism, by the conservatives on the court. It isn't the first time that the conservatives on Court have been writing their conservatives views into law, and it won't be the last. Both conservatives, liberals and moderates are guilty of this, because despite the lip service paid to the notion of "strict constructionism", its not something that is reasonable and practical when facing the problems that the SCOTUS faces.

    The questions on how much regulation is permissible, under what guise, etc, has yet to be answered. One such area I think will be subject to litigation very soon will be the federal (and state) laws forbidding the ownership and possession of a firearm by a person who has been convicted of a domestic violence offense, (usually a misdemeanor), in some cases for life.

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  3. Joel,

    With respect, I completely disagree. As I've heard after writing this article, this allows for a rather broad interpretation by states so long as handguns aren't expressly forbidden. Further, it buttresses long-standing claims by those opposing "state's rights" that a federalized democracy has been in place since the end of the civil war.

    In short, it repudiates the entire notion that the 14th isn't a rather broad reaching Amendment. As well, as I said to you two years ago PRIOR to Heller even being published, the requirement to make 2nd Amendment universal was incorporation, something which, if not restrained, leaves states either with just about as much power as they had before (IF limits are provided for) or without any power - if absolute "no abridgement" is enforced. Either way, comparative 2nd Amendment experts on the right (say, like one Mitch Berg) hadn't even understood incorporation AND hadn't understood that until Heller (sort of) and the ruling today (certainly) that the 2nd Amendment was a restriction SOLELY on Congress.

    This turns all that over - I'm supportive, but I find it ironic and rather funny that in doing so here in McDonald, the conservative SCOTUS has undermined MANY MANY other claims of the right, such as claims that income tax is unconstitutional, such as claims that the federal government is restricted expressly to the powers identified in the Constitution, because, using their own words against them "it cannot be reasonably argued" that X or Y Amendment ONLY means WHAT IS WRITTEN. If it didn't mean it in the 14th, then why the hell are we bound to it elsewhere? We aren't. Equally important, the various validations of the 14th establish the equal protection clause as pre-eminent over other more mundane laws. In short, in writing this decision, it seems to me, this court did legal yoga, yoga that helps the left FAR more than the right. Including but not limited to, taking a long-standing plank for support off of the republican talking points memorandum.

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  4. Well, that last is the anti-gun liberal (note: I'm defining a class) talking point: that anything short of an outright ban is Constitutional, but since the RKBA, short of an outright ban, has now been established, the likes of Daley and Bloomberg and so forth can regulate 2A rights almost to the point of uselessness, while this decision should shut up the pro-self-defense folks.

    We'll have to see how it goes; I doubt it, myself.

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  5. An, and ToE? Your suggestion that the 2A doesn't recognize an individual right isn't only wrong in the way that Levinson argued it was, all those years ago, it's so pre-Heller.

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  6. Joel,

    I'm HARDLY an "anti-gun" liberal - anything but in fact. Yet, I'm a pretty good guesser at what will come out of SCOTUS, to date, on this issue I've been correct two out of two and understood the underlying premise pretty well. The bottom line is that SCOTUS DIDN'T tell Chicago this ban is totally unacceptable, but it said total BANS are unacceptable. That's important. The "Sea Change" is incorporation, not the repudiation or invalidation of any controls. Your opinion that it simply conforms to "Right to Keep and Bear Arms" is, in my opinion, likely inaccurate. States which chose to ban, for example, felons or mental deficient, are going to be FULLY able to do so. States which require background checks are going to be FULLY ABLE to do so, these are things the right has tried to argue are unconstitutional, and bluntly, have been wrong about - the VERY CONSERVATIVE SCOTUS MAJORITY just told you as much. Now, if something creats an UNREASONABLE barrier, it won't stand, certainly not with this court, but this court will change over time, and what is unreasonable today will, without doubt, evolve.

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  7. I am not anti-gun either Joel.

    The most interesting discussion I have heard so far in the media was a scholarly one on where the next second amendment rights challenges are likely to occur relating to the constitutionality of laws which prohibit gun ownership by individuals convicted of misdemeanor domestic abuse.

    My understanding is that it is fairly well accepted that felons should be largely denied access to firearms.

    I have a problem with denying firearm ownership and possession to people convicted of domestic violence misdemeanors, unless some clear and compelling evidence and statistical correlation can be shown that individuals convicted of misdemeanor domestic violence are in fact prone to comit subsequent violent acts, especially those involving firearms. I would be interested in the argument, because domestic violence is a very real problem.

    In particular, I would be interested in more information on the correlation to nations with high numbers and percentages of gun ownership and a high incidence of deaths from firearms. If there are any stats that can be tracked for injuries from firearms and numbers or percentages of firearm ownership.

    I have to admit that when looking at these specific stats, the thought that occurred to me was to wonder if a high percentage of those deaths (and injuries that are likely to be similarly linked, assuming not every shooter makes a killing shot) might in fact correlate highly to domestic violence, and to wonder if restricting firearms more narrowly to domestic violence perpetrators might help reduce those stats.

    But without strong proof that there is a real risk connection between gun ownership and domestic violence convictions, I emphatically would not condone that restriction - certainly not on speculation.

    So now I'm waiting to see if I too will be dismissed as simply a gun-hating liberal or not.

    Because you see, Joel, while I agree that there appear to be crime reduction benefits associated with gun ownership on the side of 2nd amendment rights advocates, I am not seeing an equal addressing of gun ownership concerns in the context of those gun death stats. I bring them up here not to attack gun ownership rights, but because I believe that defense of gun ownership rights necessitates a thoughtful examination of those statistics as a valid concern, and that gun ownership rights are not well served by ignoring those concerns.

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  8. I'm perfectly aware of what the Heller case said. IF, and I repeat IF a person, (usually a conservative) makes the claim that the Constitution is not to be "interpreted", but the instead, the Constitution is to be taken word for word, there is no individual right protected in the 2nd Amendment, because if so, its not there. The phrasing is pretty clear. The first part indicates the intent of the framers. "A well-regulated militia being necessary to the defense of a free state,". Reading this clause, its clear that the framers intended that the militias could not be disarmed by the federal government. Militias were dealt with in Article I, Section 8, as one of the powers of Congress, to arm, establish and discipline, but the states have the authority to appoint the officers of the militia, and to train the militia subject to the discipline established by congress. This doesn't suggest an individual right, it suggests a right that the militias not be disarmed.

    The second part of the amendment, again, read literally says "the right of the people to bear arms shall not be infringed". Infringed on by whom? Infringed on by Congress? By the States? By local governments? Either way, it seems that the intent of the framers, again, reading the clause in a vacuum and ignoring the historical basis, would say that its not an individual right.

    NOW... on the other hand, after reading and researching the history, I tend to think that the framers fully intended it to be an individual right, and that the Court has correctly stated it to be so. However, its by interpreting the Constitution that they have done this, and that is traditionally something that is also defined as "judicial activism" when judges interpret the Constitution... or is it only "judicial activism" when liberal judges do it?

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  9. I don't know anybody who says that the Constitution -- or, for the religious folks, the Bible -- can't be interpreted; the issue is ever and always how to.

    That doesn't make all supposed interpretations equal. They're not.

    dg -- as I've said, repeatedly, I don't understand your fixation on gun death statistics, rather than, say, violent death statistics, so I don't know how to respond, other than to point out that when we're discussing other rights, we always give up some safety for freedom; the sixth amendment, for example, guarantees that some folks who have committed horrible crimes will get off because they're well-lawyered.

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  10. it is very simple Joel - although I would point out that you don't address the statistics.

    It appears that deaths from firearms seems to track higher in countries with greater gun ownership. That would seem to argue that it is not so much that guns don't kill people, as people WITH guns kill people.

    We are talking here about limits on fire arms, so it is pertinent to discuss the hazards of those firearms - like deaths and injuries.

    If you would like to analyze these firearm deaths in the context of other kinds of violent deaths, by all means do so.

    I'm not clear how that would refute that the numbers of firearms owned correlate to the numbers of firearm deaths however.

    It could certainly equate to overall levels of violence, if that is what you are suggesting - or it might not. It would be an interesting piece of the larger puzzle. That rather tracks with my interest in the more specific area off firearm incidents and domestic violence.

    However, it is also worth noting that firearms allow for killing or injuring from a greater distance than most other kinds of weapons, and tend to deliver a greater degree of force so they should be accorded a proportionate respect and interest in reducing violent deaths and injuries, and threats of them, whether in crimes of passion or crimes of property.

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  11. Joel,

    Obviously not all interpretations are equal, but pointing out the obvious isn't debate either.

    Pointing out that the Bradey bill has been effectively validated by this ruling, that background checks have, that limits on felons, mentally ill, etc, in fact, that the underlying premise that states may, at their considered and reasoned option, limit ownership FROM those whom they can REASONABLY argue should not posess firearms, and that any such posession can and should be subject to scrutiny is in fact EXACTLY a reasonable outcome. The glaring hole which the right seemed to miss in Heller, and based on some responses so far seems they missed here (though the NRA doesn't seem to have) is that both Heller and McDonald CONFIRM that controls are acceptable in the eyes of a very conservative SCOTUS - meaning the 'equal' interpretation you seem to seek or point to in both cases found cause for upholding state limits as long as total bans don't prohibit ownership and/or self-defense.

    I believe it is reasonable to assume that the courts will apply a standard which requires states to allow ownership and which doesn't make the set of rules byzantine or overly difficult, but neither background checks nor limitations on automatic weapons constitute anything even remotely close to byzantine.

    Further and probably most important, the SCOTUS has reaffirmed without question or reservation the pre-eminence of the Federal State. In one ruling, they have put to bed right-wing foolishness about state supremacy which has resurfaced in the last 30 years quite vociferously. They've done so most especially because this court IS conservative. I believe they did so because they understood the masssive timult which ruling that post Civil War Amendments were to be very very narrowly interpreted would have caused. This ruling, by the way, buttresses the strength of the 14th to usurp state laws on abortion, after all, "IT CANNOT BE REASONABLY SAID THAT" the 14th Amendment doesn't prohibit the right of the state (federal or otherwise) to intrude on the health practices of a woman UNLESS you define life as beginning at conception. In essence, Joel, this court may have just lost the abortion debate.

    THAT's why I said it's a Sea Change - beyond the incorporation of the 2nd Amendment. I understand they may backpeddal, but fundamentally they've asserted equal protection here as an incorporated right, and while the 14th was already incorporated, in my non-lawyer view, they've laid a trap for themselves that they cannot unring this bell later.

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  12. A number of conservative presidents have pledged to nominate "strict constructionist" justices to the bench. These include Richard Nixon, Ronald Reagan and George W. Bush. Strict constructionists tend to be conservatives. The point I'm making here is that by interpreting this clause using a historical perspective, these "conservative" justices are making just the kind of decisions that they and other conservatives deride their more liberal colleagues for making: decisions which are not textual and which go outside the plain meaning of the words. Again.. I suspect no one will use the term judicial activism for this, because after all, that tends to be a epithet hurled by the conservatives and organizations such as Faux (Fox) News.

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  13. Your same point was made during the judiciary committee hearings for Kagan earlier this week.

    Whearas that little twerp Senator Sessions, did the equivalent of yelling 'liar' at Kagan early today -- and was himself factually inaccurate (again).

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  14. If you look at the whole sentence
    "A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed." is the way it is written in the original and "A well regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the People to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed." is the way it is written in the version distributed to the states for ratification. The punctuation is important as the second version does not seem to tie the right to keep and bear arms to the militia quite the same way the first does. Also keep in mind that at the time it was written every free able bodied male between 18and 50 was considered a member of the militia.

    As far as judicial activisim, you have got to be kidding me. How can interpreting whether the right to keep and bear arms was meant to be tied to a militia or whether only the federal government was prohibited from regulating that right be activism? The words are there in the constitution, slightly vague meaning but the words "right to keep and bear arms" are there. Find me any passage in the constitution where the word "abortion" is mentioned. The word "privacy" is not in there either. Interpreting what is meant by a right actually mentioned in the constitution is what the Supreme Court is suppossed to do, ruling on things not in the constitution is supposed to be left to the state legislatures to deal with or the congress.

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  15. Tuck, whether you agree or not, for 223 years or so, there has been NO constitutionally guaranteed right to own firearms - it may have been implied, it may even have been intended, but until this decision came down, it simply, flatly, absolutely didn't exist. That's the point of incorporation.

    Simply put, until the Civil War NONE of the amendments in the bill of rights were assumed to apply to the states at all. We were not a 'Federalized Democracy', that is what the Civil War effectively established, namely, Federal Supremacy over and above the decisions of states. Further, amendments which followed the Civil War established the limits of states (and the federal government) in several key areas, among them, discrimination, citizenship, equal protection and due process guarantees which is why the 6th and the 5th were immediately seen as 'incorporated' - meaning absolutely applicable to the states.

    The 1st amendment has also been seen as incorporated, due to numerous decisions since the Civil War, though I can't quote which.

    In several landmark cases one of the most important of which was US v. Cruikshanks, in which the Supreme Court held,

    ""[t]he Second Amendment…has no other effect than to restrict the powers of the national government...." Consequently, and until now (even including Heller), there has been no agreement that the 2nd Amendment applied to state laws. The course of discussion has been that perhaps it SHOULD, but it just simply did not.

    Now, Heller attempted to deal with this question, but did so only tangentially, in saying that while the 2nd amendment was specifically NOT incorporated in Cruikshanks, neither was the 1st - but they then went on to say:

    "With respect to Cruikshank's continuing validity on incorporation, a question not presented by this case, we note that Cruikshank also said that the first amendment did not apply against the states and did not engage in the sort of Fourteenth Amendment inquiry required by our later cases. Our later decisions in Presser v. Illinois, 116 U.S. 252, 265 (1886) and Miller v. Texas, 153 U.S. 535, 538 (1894), reaffirmed that the Second Amendment applies only to the Federal Government.[139]"

    Presser and Miller v Texas as well as US v. Miller (1938) are considered the other landmark decisions - within which things like establishing that as long as states didn't completely prohibit firearm ownership the question was left to the states.

    In this decision (McDonald) - this ACTIVIST court overturned 223 years of established policy, and in my opinion established a right to self defense NOT contemplated as part of the framing of the constitution. It was seen as a correlary benefit, a necessary right even at the time, but the key element of the 2nd amendment was to allow the nation to NOT keep a standing army and for the states to be able to arm a militia in time of war to defend the state and their residents against both domestic and foriegn dangers ..

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  16. continued...


    From Joseph Story...

    "The militia is the natural defence of a free country against sudden foreign invasions, domestic insurrections, and domestic usurpations of power by rulers. It is against sound policy for a free people to keep up large military establishments and standing armies in time of peace, both from the enormous expenses, with which they are attended, and the facile means, which they afford to ambitious and unprincipled rulers"

    Nowhere in his treatise does he discuss self-defense.

    So, I'm sorry, but the historical context of the rulings on the constitution since 1860 have been clear - there was no overarching right and the states had/have rights to regulate. McDonald establishes that right, but for ludicrous reasons which don't exist ANYWHERE in the Constitution, nowhere does it say you 'have the right to hunt' or 'that the need to defend oneself being secured by the brandishing of firearms..' This is an invention of this court, and ironically, in so doing, they've squelched states rights with a hammer - and for that, I'm grateful. I happen to think the 2nd amendment should be incorporated, but not for the reasons of self-defense, but precisely for the reasons quoted by Story.

    And that, my friend, is the key difference here. I see liberty as being paramount, I don't see carrying a gun to defend myself as being either necessary or smart, and CERTAINLY could argue it is not effective. The court ASSUMED carrying a weapon is (or having one in your home is) part and parcel of self-defense - where exactly does it say that in the constitution? However, holding the government and OTHERS who might abuse power, morally accountable is absolutely necessary to the preservation of a free state, and having a citizenry capable of doing so, at least in theory, is necessary to be able to hold them accountable.

    On Privacy and Abortion, these extend from the 14th amendment against intrusion on liberty without due process - they are simply understood ideas, namely, the government has NO right to intrude on your life without due process and justification - including by the way, intruding into the LAWFUL application of medicinal practice. Unless and until life is defined as beginning at conception, the government, states and federal, do not have the right to intrude. It has NOTHING to do with the word abortion, and everything to do with the words due process.

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  17. Well ToE sent me an excellent law review article that went through the entire history of the right to bear arms in English and American law up to the writing of the 2nd amendment. Basically the people who wrote the amendment intended the right to bear arms to be an individual right. Madison wanted it made part of article I and not attached at the end of the Constitution. About half the original 13 states were not going to ratify the constitution if the first two amendments were not added or promised to be added. Also I was wrong in my first comment that men 18 to 50 were considered the militia, the definition most states and Madison, Jefferson, and crew used for militia was the whole of the people. In their opinion the lack of a standing army and the state control of militias kept the federal government in check. The fact that the whole of the people were armed members of the militia kept the state government in check. Most states only denied possession of a gun if you were in armed insurrection against the state, not federal, government. Some excluded you by commission of crimes, much like we do today with felons. Still my argument about activism is that the supreme court has pretty much avoided this issue and for the first time interpreted the wording. Most of the time when people refer to activism they are talking about reading something that is not intended by the framers(possibly because the issue did not exist at the time) or is not referred to in the constitution and has to be inferred. Give the 2nd amendment to 1000 experts on grammar and they would probably split 50/50 on whether it says you must be a member of the militia to own a gun or not. Then when you look at who the framers considered members of the militia this is really more clarification of a badly worded phrase. By the way get ToE to send you the law review article, some of it is kind of dry but very interesting, especially some of the early wording of the 2nd amendment before it was ratified.

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  18. My point in all of this is that read literally, the 2nd amendment is badly worded and does not, in my opinion, establish an individual right. The framers of the constitution understood the difference between an individual right and a right in general. They also understood that they could have very well stated in the Bill of Rights that these rights were directly applicable against the states, but they chose not to do so. (probably because it would have guaranteed defeat)

    The 14th amendment then came along, and if one thinks about it, most if not all of the rights that we take for granted today, (including the recently announced individual right to own firearms) comes through a new way of looking at the 2nd amendment. "...No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws." Amendment 14, Section 1.

    It took almost 100 years of legal arguments for the Supreme Court of the United States to slowly begin to incorporating most of the Bill of Rights against the states. When it did, it wasn't by applying the literal text of the document; it was by giving what those words said new meaning. For instance, Meyer vs. Nebraska 262 US 390 (1923) establishes a right of privacy, but privacy is nowhere mentioned in the Constitution. I remind our conservative readers that it is this very right of privacy which denotes that parents control a child's education. Without it, the state could eliminate private schools, could force certain subjects to be taught to children (regardless of their parents' beliefs), etc. Pierce v. Scoiety of Sisters of the Holy Names of Jesus and Mary, 268 US 510 (1925).

    The point is, the right of privacy isn't in the Constitution, but the Courts have created it. This is judicial activism, and the conservative movement has benefited greatly from this right.

    It should be recognized that both liberal and conservative judges indulge in judicial activism, although, its only conservatives that appear to have a problem with it (and then only when they disagree with the decisions).

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