My note: I mention that I get my info direct from the sources. Well, they aren't really happy with how this war is being covered. And I agree with what they say here, so. This is the complete piece from the New Voice of Ukraine, posted with permission:
https://english.nv.ua/nation/six-common-mistakes-foreign-journalists-covering-russian-invasion-of-ukraine-make-50227712.html
NV is publishing an open letter to the foreign
media covering Russian invasion of Ukraine from Ukrainian media
organizations, reporters, photographers, media managers and
communication professionals
Dear colleagues,
On
February 24 2022, Russia began an unprovoked full scale invasion of
Ukraine, a massive escalation of their eight-year war in Donbas in east
Ukraine. Russia’s war is conducted along four axes, attacking all major
Ukrainian cities with missiles, air strikes and in most instances,
ground forces. Untold numbers of civilians and servicemen have been
killed. In just over three weeks, more than three million Ukrainians
have become refugees in Europe. Four members of the media community have
been killed by Russian forces: Oleksandra Kuvshynova, Brent Renaud,
Evgen Sakun and Pierre Zakrzewski.
Russian forces kidnap Ukrainian journalists in order to silence them, thus a Ukrainian journalist Viktoriya Roschina and Oleh Baturin
spent 6 and 8 days in captivity after disappearing. Ukrainian
photojournalist Maks Levin disappeared on March 13th while reporting
from the frontline near Kyiv. A publisher from Melitopol Mikhail Kumok
and three journalists - Yevgeniya Boryan, Yuliya Olkhovska and Lyubov
Chaika - has been also detained for 1 day and have been pressured to
collaborate with Russian occupational regime in their city.
Simultaneously
Russia has been attacking our core values of truthful, fact-driven and
honest reporting through continuous disinformation campaigns. Many
people are not aware of the scale and depth of these campaigns, and
their full impact is yet to be felt.
The
effectiveness of these disinformation narratives did not happen
overnight. They took time to seep into public discourse, capitalizing on
misrepresentations or misunderstandings over language, history and
politics, and exacerbating existing divisions in society until they
began to stifle civil discussion.
This is why, as individual
journalists and organizations from the Ukrainian media community who
have battled with Russian information warfare since 2014, we would like
to highlight the following points regarding the language used to
describe this war. Some of them might not be obvious but are vitally
important to us and a truthful representation of this war. We ask media
organizations to share this with their newsrooms and audiences:
1. One common error is to use terms like “crisis”, “conflict” or
“military operation”, or call it “Ukrainian” i.e. “Ukraine Crisis” or
“Ukraine conflict”. This is a full scale invasion of, and war against,
Ukraine. We ask you to correctly indicate Russia’s role in the war with
the wording “Russia’s war in Ukraine” and/or “Russian invasion of
Ukraine”, especially in captions, headlines, leads and hashtags.
2.
At the same time, we ask not to overuse the phrase “Putin's war”. Even
though there is a temptation to believe that this war started only
because of the Russian president, several polls from diverse polling
organizations (Savanta ComRes, VCIOM, the research project "Do Russians
Want War?") have reported that the silent majority of Russians – roughly
60 percent – support the war. During the first week of the war, public
support for Putin in Russia grew from 60 to 71 percent. Russian soldiers
on the ground are firing missiles and bombs, and deliberately killing
civilians. Many of them do not have access to the facts and to
independent media, but this does not take responsibility away from them.
3.
Many refer to the 2014 pseudo-referendums in the Ukrainian territories
of Crimea and Donetsk and Luhansk Oblasts as explanations for Russian
military aggression. This is misleading. The territories of Crimea, and
parts of Donetsk and Luhansk Oblasts, were annexed and occupied by
Russian forces in 2014. Crimea was annexed by Russia in an unequivocal
violation of international law. The war in Donbas was exclusively
orchestrated and supported by the Russian State. The pseudo-referendums
and proxy republics are not recognised by the international community.
Experts (Orysia Lutsevych, Andrew Wilson, and Nikolay Mitrokhin
to name a few) emphasize that neither the creation of the puppet
"republics" in Donetsk and Luhansk nor the conventional war would have
happened without Russian involvement. The current escalation
demonstrates Russia’s desire to control the whole of Ukraine, and these
“republics” are used as a platform for full-scale invasion and a tool
for propaganda and disinformation.
4.
Additionally the quasi “republics” in Donbas are not another armed side
of the conflict. They operate as part of the Russian army and
mercenaries fighting in Ukraine. Using terms like “separatist-held
areas” is therefore incorrect. Please consider using "Russian proxies".
5.
Another common error we observe is to report Ukrainian and Russian
positions as “two equal perspectives''. Russian positions are based on
lies, propaganda and denial of the existence of Ukraine as a nation and
state. Russian propaganda is not just “strategic communication” or
another point of view, it is using disinformation to justify killing
thousands of civilians and continuing a completely unprovoked war.
The
narrative that characterizes the war as a proxy one between Russia and
the West denies Ukrainian agency - something that the Ukrainian people’s
resistance to invasion clearly demonstrates. NATO is an alliance based
on the right of sovereign nations to collective defense, enshrined in
Article 51 of the Charter of the United Nations. By focusing on
‘expansion’, the media are perpetuating the Kremlin’s justification for
war and ignoring the democratic voice of the Ukrainian people who wish
to live in peace, free from Russian aggression.
6. Finally, we
implore you to include, engage and hear Ukrainian experts. The majority
of international experts specialize in Russia or Eastern Europe. We ask
to include Ukrainian experts, or those who have lived and worked in
Ukraine in the journalism you publish about the war.
Information
warfare and disinformation academics and experts warn that Russian
tactics, perpetuated by its supporters here in the West and abroad, have
one objective: to divide, deceive, sow doubt and create enough distrust
of information that people do not know what to believe, and question
even the most well-evidenced facts. They will play on the truths we tell
ourselves and promises which go unkept. They will attack sentiments
shared by, and within, ethnic, gender, linguistic and socio-economic
groups. Disinformation aims to oversimplify existing issues and turn
victims into perpetrators. We see this already with Russians supporting
this war believing they are fighting NATO and "neo-Nazis" in Ukraine. We
have seen it in the past with disinformation targeting the Syrian
refugee crisis in Europe and the truth behind the downing of flight
MH-17 in 2014.
A full and truthful account of this war
is pivotal to defeating Russia’s information war, consisting of
propaganda and manipulation targeted at Ukraine and at liberal
democratic countries and institutions. Therefore, we believe that the
public needs to be aware of how Russia will manipulate the effects of
this war. They will attempt to weaponize behaviors which contradict our
collective values, such as double standards towards refugees and racial
discrimination against minority groups. They will attempt to
hyper-charge the rise of nationalist movements, in order to deflect the
blame from Russia to Ukraine, NATO and Europe.
We
believe that it is important to raise these issues now, to allow for a
civilized and open discourse on how to collectively tackle these and
future issues which undoubtedly will arise from this war.
Signed,
Media organizations:
Commission on Journalism Ethics
Ukrainian Media Business Association
National Union of Journalists of Ukraine, - Sergiy Tomilenko, President
Institute of Mass Information - Oksana Romaniuk, director
Internews Ukraine - Kostiantyn Kvurt, the head
Regional Press development Institute
Center for Democracy and Rule of Law
Independent Media Council, Ukraine
Ukrainian Media and Communication Institute - Diana Dutsyk, CEO
Detector media NGO - Natalyia Lygachova, head, chief editor
Souspilnist Foundation, - Taras Petriv, president
Media Development Foundation - Eugene Zaslavsky, Executive Director
Ukrainian Association of media psychologists and media educators - Lyubov Naydonova, President
Suspilne (UA: PBC) - Angelina Kariakina, head of news
Hromadske - Yuliia Fediv, CEO
LB.UA - Sonya Koshkina, Editor-in-Chief
Ukrayinska Pravda - Sevgil Musaieva, chief editor
Zaborona Media - Katerina Sergatskova, editor-in-chief, Roman Stepanovych, CEO
Realnaya Gazeta - Andrii Dikhtiarenko, chief editor
Glavcom (Information Agency) - Mykola Pidvezianiy, chief editor
Individual journalists, media professionals, experts
Emine Ziyatdinova, Independent Media consultant and documentary photographer. London, UK.
Nina Kuryata, Independent Media consultant. Kyiv, Ukraine.
Svitlana Ostapa, Supervisory Board of PJSC, the National Public Broadcasting Company of Ukraine, The Chair
Maryna Synhaivska, "Ukrinform" National News Agency of Ukraine, Deputy Director General
Liza Kuzmenko, Head of NGO “Women in the Media”, the CJE member
Julia Smirnova, analyst and journalist, London
Olena Dub, journalist, media-consultant
Olga Yurkova, media trainer, media consultant
Marichka Varenikova, freelance journalist and producer
Oksana Parafeniuk, freelance photojournalist and producer
Tetiana Stroi, CEO of Donetsk Press Club, media trainer, media expert
Svitlana Yeremenko, CEO of Pylyp Orlyk Institute for Democracy, journalist, media expert
Roman Kifliuk, independent media expert
Anastasia Magazova, journalist and author, Berlin/Kyiv
Anastasia Vlasova, visual storyteller
Oksana Grytsenko, independent journalist
Tetiana Pechonchyk, head of the Human Rights Center ZMINA, the CJE member
Andrii Ianitskyi, Center for Journalism at Kyiv School of Economics, the head
Veronika Melkozerova, the New Voice of Ukraine executive editor
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